Ann’s People

Frances Penfold Walker Clarke (1803-1838) A Consequential Life

By Caroline Maillard (updated 23/6/2022)

Steyning Parish Church, Steyning, Sussex
Attribution: Michael Coppins.  Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 International 

Birth and Early Years

Frances (Fanny) Esther Penfold was born 26 August 1803 in Steyning, Sussex in southern England. She was the second daughter of the Reverend John Penfold (1772-1840) and Charlotte Brooks Penfold (1770-1843).  Reverend Penfold held multiple roles with the Church of England. He was the Vicar of Steyning and the rector of the neighboring community of Pyecombe, and also served as the domestic chaplain to the Duke of Sussex in the early 1800’s.1 To this day the Steyning Parish Office is housed in Penfold Hall.

Fanny was one of twelve children in her family, which may explain why she left home when young to live with her aunt and uncle, Mary Anne (nee Brooks) and Christopher Rawson at Hope House in Halifax. The union of Mary Anne (Fanny’s mother’s sister) and Halifax banker Christopher Rawson in 1808 had forged a bond between the two families. At various times other Penfold siblings traveled or stayed with the Rawsons and two of Fanny’s brothers had Rawson as their middle name: George Rawson Saxby Penfold and Christopher Rawson Penfold.

We know from Christopher Rawson’s diary that the Rawsons, who had no children of their own, doted on their niece Fanny. A letter from Mary Anne to Christopher refers to him as Fanny’s “father, guardian, trustee and friend”, and she was beloved by her aunt as well. Mary Anne’s “idolatry” (as Christopher Rawson put it) of her niece would later cause tension between the Rawsons and between Christopher and Fanny (see “More Family Strife” later in this blog).2

In his diary Christopher Rawson also suggested that some of Fanny’s Penfold relatives were beset by financial stress and other hardships. “Look at every member of your own family!” he reports having said to her in 1832. “Where is there one individual that is not in dire affliction and distress?” 3However, despite her uncle’s descriptions of her “unfortunate family”, no further evidence of this has yet come to light.

The Rawson Residence at Hope House, now The Albany Club
Attribution: Dave Bevis / Halifax – Albany Club on Clare Road / CC BY-SA 2.0

Marriage to John Walker

Ann Walker’s younger brother John (b. 1804) was likely one of the most eligible young bachelors in 1820’s Halifax, having inherited his father John Walker’s estates when the latter died in 1823.  The Leeds Intelligencer reported on 13 October 1825 that “On Monday last, John Walker, Esq of Crow Nest, gave a grand entertainment to the gentry of Halifax and its neighborhood, on the occasion of his coming of age”4.  Writing in her diary in June 1826, the Walkers’ cousin Caroline Wyville Walker wrote: “I have walked to Halifax. Saw John Walker riding between two officers. It is with him that happy season Gray describes, speaking of Richard the Second: ‘Youth at the prow and pleasure at the helm!’”5

We don’t know when Fanny Penfold first met John Walker but given her strong ties to the Rawson family, it’s likely that Fanny was acquainted with many of the wealthy young people of Halifax, including the Walker siblings.

In June 1828, Fanny told Christopher and Mary Anne Rawson that she was engaged to John Walker.6 By later that summer their engagement was public knowledge in Halifax. On 28 August 1828, Anne Lister wrote in her diary that “it seems this match is to be and Mr W- is indeed to have Miss Fanny Penfold.” 7

However, as C. Rawson noted in his diary, John had told Fanny that they couldn’t marry for at least twelve months due to “some family affairs which required being settled before JW entered the marriage state”.  During the ensuing year, Fanny, her aunt, John Walker, and various Penfold relatives traveled together to southern England, Harrogate, and Brighton. Christopher Rawson ended up paying for most of the expenses that Fanny and her entourage incurred on these journeys, which he later came to resent.8

After visiting her cousin John at Crownest in July 1829 just before his wedding, Caroline Wyville Walker wrote that “John is said to be going to be married to Miss Penfold. He looks very grave and thoughtful. It puts me in mind of Lord Ogleby’s saying—“What poor things…these very young fellows are! They make love with faces as if they were burying the dead!’”9

Anne Lister also mentioned the Walker-Penfold wedding in her diary entry of 20 July 1829:

“The Walkers leave Crow Nest on Tuesday.  I suppose Mr. Walker will be married immediately on his arrival in the South, and as they are going abroad for a year, I fancy they set off directly for Paris. Marian declined sending any letter by him. Miss [Ann] Walker, his sister, declined going so they bring Miss Edwards [Delia Priestley Edwards], his cousin, with them.10

On 28 July 1829, Frances Penfold and John Walker were married in Steyning, West Sussex by Fanny’s father, the Rev. John Penfold at the Parish Church of St Andrew (now the Steyning Parish Church of St Andrew and St Cuthman). Halifax friends and relatives in attendance included Ann Walker, Christopher and Mary Anne Rawson, and Delia Priestley Edwards.11

John’s Death & Aftermath

Fanny and John left on their honeymoon in August 1829, accompanied by Delia Priestley Edwards and Catherine Penfold. During the next several months they visited Paris, Basel, Geneva, Leghorn (Livorno), Florence and Milan before arriving in Naples in late December 1829. It was there that tragedy struck. On 19 January, 1830 John Walker died in Naples at the age of 25.12

Caroline Wyville Walker’s diary entry dated 16 February 1830 provided an account of his last moments:

“John Walker had just received a letter from Anne [sic] Walker. He read it in bed—gave it to Mrs. Walker saying ‘I am glad to hear all is well at Halifax; it is a letter from Anne, you may read it Fanny. I think I can sleep a little! Mrs. Walker went to the window to read the letter. John Walker never spoke afterwards but died as she read the letter. Five physicians had consulted about him the day before. They said he would recover with care. His illness was rapid decline.”13
View of Naples Bay 1828
Attribution: Jean-Baptiste Camille Corot (1796-1875). Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 International 

John Walker’s cause of death wasn’t noted in the official death certificate. But five years later (19 January 1835), Ann Walker would mention John’s death in her diary and intimate that he’d suffered from weak lungs:

  “Ground covered with snow – five years to day since I lost my poor brother at 3 oclock in the afternoon – In the hotel he went to on arriving at Naples he could only have a back room, he then tried to get a house, but not succeeding he removed to another hotel which had a good view of the bay & was close to the public gardens. (I suppose this hotel to have been in the Chiaja [Chiaia] … – Mrs. Starke in her account of Naples says “The houses on the Chiaja are less dangerous than those in the quarter of S. Lucia, because further removed from the tufo mountain: but their situation is too bleak for persons afflicted with tender lungs. Piazzo-Falcone is wholesome & not noisy; a peculiar advantage at Naples. Persons who wish for a situation congenial to weak lungs, should reside in the Fouria [Foria].”14

John Walker was laid to rest in the Old Protestant Cemetery located at the Santa Maria Della Fede Church in Naples. This was the cemetery in which many Britons who died in 19th century Naples were buried. When it was subsequently closed in the 1890s, some remains were transferred to a new British cemetery in the Poggioreale neighborhood of Naples. It is unknown if John Walker’s remains were among those that were moved.15

NOTE: For a more detailed account of Fanny and John Walker’s travels and of John’s death, refer to the extensively researched John and Fanny Walker Honeymoon Storymap and “The Death of John Walker Jr” post on Anne Lister Italia.

Fanny Walker, now a widow, departed Naples in the company of her sister Catherine Penfold and friend Delia Priestley Edwards in late February 1830. It was reported that Fanny’s brother made part of the journey to bring them home. Giovanni Baroncelli also accompanied them on their homeward journey (Catherine married Giovanni a few months after their return).16 The group stopped first in Rome, where a grieving Fanny wrote to her sister-in-law Elizabeth Walker Sutherland on 27 March 1830:

 “I have not written to you before today dearest Elizabeth because I thought it better not to do so until I should feel more able. To dear Ann I have given every melancholy particular… What wouldn’t I give to be with you both, let me beseech you to consider me your younger sister and to tell me all you wish and all I ought to do, for indeed but for you and Ann I should now feel alone in the world for my beloved John was almost a stranger to all of my own family.”17

From Rome, Fanny travelled to Lyon and Paris before setting out for England from Calais in May 1830. Christopher Rawson met her in Calais to escort her back to the Penfold home in Steyning.18 We also know from James Penfold’s letters that Ann Walker did “her late brother’s widow the honor of meeting her” when Fanny arrived in Dover on 8 June 1830.19

By the time Fanny disembarked at Dover she likely knew that she was carrying John Walker’s child. Sadly, she gave birth to a stillborn son on 9 October 1830 at her father’s home in Steyning.

16 October 1830 newspaper article of Francis Esther Walker's still born son
Leeds Patriot and Yorkshire Advertiser
Leeds Patriot and Yorkshire Advertiser 16 October 1830 ©The British Library Board

Fanny’s Eventful Return to Halifax

According to Christopher Rawson’s diary, Fanny Penfold Walker returned to Halifax from Steyning in December 1830—accompanied by her sister Charlotte Penfold and her Aunt Mary Anne. She and Charlotte stayed with the Rawsons at Hope House until April 1831, when they left to spend spring and early summer in the resort towns of Harrogate and Scarborough. Fanny came back to Halifax in late July. She stayed at Hope House until September 1831, when she moved into a house at West Grove (near central Halifax) purchased for her by Christopher Rawson.20  

After her return to Halifax, Fanny commissioned a stone memorial in honor of John Walker, which was installed in St. Matthews Church in Lightcliffe. Today it can be found in the St Matthews Tower, all that remains of the old church.

Photo of the John Walker Jr's memorial now in St Matthews Tower, Lightcliffe
Photo used with the kind permission of Alexa Tansley, In Search of Ann Walker

During the next several months, Fanny became acquainted with bachelor Courtney Kenny Clarke, who hailed from a family of well-to-do landowners from Ireland. Courtney’s mother Maria (nee Kenny) was the older sister of Mason Stanhope Kenny, M.D.—the Dr. Kenny portrayed in Gentleman Jack. By July 1832 Fanny and Courtney were engaged. They were married in Halifax Minster on 12 September 1832, with Christopher and Mary Anne Rawson in attendance.

Marriage certificate of Courtney Kenny Clarke and Francis Esther Walker per, Reference #D53/1/58, Reference #D53/1/58

We don’t know for certain where the Clarkes lived after their wedding, but they eventually moved to Dublin, Ireland.  In January 1834, their first child was born, a daughter named Mary Ann Rawson Clarke—named after Fanny’s beloved Aunt Mary Anne Rawson. The couple was still living in Dublin in 1836, when Fanny gave birth to their second daughter, Charlotte Maria Clarke.

By this time, six years after John Walker’s death, Fanny had finally reached agreement with Walker sisters Ann and Elizabeth regarding the disposition of her first husband’s personal property. It had been a long and acrimonious fight that pitted the Walkers and Sutherlands against the Penfolds and Rawsons from 1830 to 1835.

The Battle Over John Walker’s Estate

The Penfolds Assert Fanny’s Inheritance Rights

John Walker died intestate, i.e., without a will. But the terms of his father’s will stipulated that, should his son John die leaving no children, the most valuable component of his inheritance—the Walker properties—would pass directly to John’s sisters Ann and Elizabeth rather than to John Jr’s spouse.

Anne Lister’s diary entry of 14 November 1830 confirms this. In referencing a letter from Mrs. William Priestley, Anne says that is “full of the account of the Crownest family – Mrs. Walker’s having been brought to bed of a stillborn child and the property therefore devolving to the sisters – of which the W[illiam]P[riestley]-s very glad.”21

However, following Fanny’s return to England, when it was still presumed that she would give birth to John’s heir, her brother and attorney James Penfold and her uncle Christopher Rawson had held out hope that John Walker had a will. This culminated in a confrontation with Ann Walker at Crownest22, where James demanded keys to the desk in which many of John’s papers were kept. He left without finding a will, but locked the desk and took the keys with him. This affair of the keys prompted furious correspondence between Elizabeth Walker Sutherland’s husband George Mackay Sutherland and his solicitors. The latter agreed that James Penfold’s conduct was “not very handsome”, but they affirmed Fanny’s right to her husband’s personal property, including the desk and keys.23

Even after delivering a stillborn child, Fanny retained considerable power in the inheritance battle. In August 1830, she had—perhaps aided by her brother James—been granted “letters of administration” for her late husband’s personal property by the Exchequer and Prerogative Court of York.24 This legally designated her as the “administrator” who would oversee the disposition of John’s assets (not including the Walker lands). This caused great consternation for Ann Walker, her sister Elizabeth, and Elizabeth’s husband Captain Sutherland. In a November 1830 letter to his solicitors, Capt. Sutherland wrote that Mrs. Walker [Fanny] had taken out “letters of administration in July last without her ever in any way having intimated to the late Mr. Walker’s sisters her intention…I suppose she has at present the exclusive control over all her late husband’s personal property”25The solicitors responded that Fanny did indeed have “the exclusive right of taking out letters of administration in preference to a child (if any) or brothers or sisters…the late Mr. Walker’s sisters could not have prevented it.”26

For the next four years, the Walker sisters, Fanny Walker, and their representatives waged a pitched battle over their rights to John Walker’s personal property. All pretense of friendship between Ann, Elizabeth and Fanny had evaporated. In his letter to Elizabeth Sutherland in December 1830, James Penfold referenced the lack of care shown Fanny by the Walkers, writing that “during my sister’s affliction I am not aware that she has received from the hands of your family at Crownest even a communication that could have relieved her mind from a situation that you have now rendered as painful as possible.”27 The bad feelings only intensified as time passed, with Ann Walker describing Fanny et al as “our opponents” in an 1834 letter to Elizabeth.28

There is still much to be learned about what the parties received in the eventual settlement, but the evidence to date places the value of Fanny’s inheritance at £16,000-£25,000 (between £2.2M and £3.4M in 2021 currency). This was corroborated by Christopher Rawson in a September 1832 letter to his wife:

“…as the Residuary Schedule will show and the statement forwarded by Mr Alexander to Mr Clarke bears me out in her splendid fortune such as few in the County possess. I never calculated Mrs W[alker]’s share of J[ohn]W[alker]’s personalty at more than 20,000 pounds. It exceeds 22,000 pounds…She has upwards of £25,000 by the Law and I have never heard any complaints except from the W[alker] heiresses.”29

The Residuary Schedule mentioned by Rawson refers to the “residues” of a personal estate to be managed by the executor, trustee, or administrator (Fanny, in this case). According to the declaration of the “account and valuation” of residues filed by Fanny in August 1832 with the Stamp Office (which levied the Stamp Duty, a tax on legal documents), the residues of John Walker’s estate totaled £22,190.  Of that total, one-quarter share—or £5547 [£750,000 today]—was “to be retained for the next of kin [the Walker sisters] as their proportion according to the Statute of Distribution and the custom of the province of York.”30 This left £16,642 (£2.2M today) as Fanny’s share of the net residue.

Although Fanny filed this Declaration in 1832, more than two years of argument and negotiation between the parties would ensue before a settlement was finalized and the £5547 designated as the Walker sisters’ share was disbursed to them. In late December 1834, Ann Walker and the Sutherlands signed a document releasing Fanny of all further demands as administrator of John Walker’s estate.

Entries in Anne Lister’s and Ann Walker’s diaries from December 1834 mention the estate settlement.

From Anne Lister’s diary:

Monday 1 December 1834

"Mr Parker came about 10 for about an hour A- having sent for him – she read him her sister’s letter - he wisely said little but his countenance betrayed his annoyance – said he had met Mrs Christopher Rawson whose manner to him was so markedly rude, he fancied immediately there had been some letter from Captain Sutherland – explained that the money could not be paid without a release being given to Mrs Clarke – annoyed at the idea of being supposed to charge a percentage on receiving the money for A- and her sister – said he did not know how he was to get it"31

Monday 29 December 1834

"A- had Mr Parker at 10 ¼ about the administration release business and signed the release of Mrs Clarke"32

From Ann Walker’s Diary:

December 29th 1834

"I signed the administration Release to Mrs. Clarke, Mr. Parker hence received it from Scotland, with my Sister & Captain S[utherland]’s signature on saturday afternoon –" 33

In late January 1835, Ann Walker noted in her diary that she’d finally received her share of John Walker’s estate residue:

January 26th 1835

"…Mr. Parker came & paid me, my share of the division of personalty from Mrs. Clarke, viz £1178..10 which has been lodged in Messrs. Rawsons’ bank since August 1832 – they refused to allow any interest, but said they would allow interest from what was left in their bank from this day" 34

And Anne Lister’s account of the same day:

Monday 26 January 1835

A- came for me to see Mr Parker (and H- went away at 3 5) who had at last got the administration money from Mrs Clarke paid by Messrs. Rawsons at A-‘s moiety =£1187.10.0 – no interest allowed – advised A- to take the money and say nothing –35

NOTE: In Search of Ann Walker (ISAW) is in the process of transcribing correspondence and legal documents from the 1830s that will shed more light on the settlement between Fanny Walker Clarke, Ann Walker, and Elizabeth Sutherland. More information will be published on the ISAW website as it becomes available.

More Family Strife: The Rawson Rift

The protracted battle over Fanny’s inheritance from John Walker, and her eventual marriage to Courtney Kenny Clarke, exacerbated tensions between Christopher and Mary Anne Rawson, and between Fanny and her uncle.

Christopher’s agitation over a £3,000 Bond he’d given to Fanny before she married John Walker—and his sense that she hadn’t been candid about her intent to remarry—caused a major rupture with his wife Mary Anne. Christopher Rawson’s diary entries in the summer and fall of 1832 indicate that he was “much embittered36 by what he saw as a betrayal by his wife and niece. He believed that Mary Anne and the Penfold family had taken advantage of his wealth and generosity over many years. Fanny’s refusal to return the Bond to him upon her remarriage to Courtney Kenny Clarke was the last straw.

As for Mary Anne, she tried and ultimately failed to appeal to her husband’s honor and his regard for their niece. On 3 September 1832 she wrote to him:

“It was your character I thought of, for as a man of honor I still say you could not nor would you have wished it in your calmer moments have taken back such a voluntary gift. Nor do I feel your family injured by all your generosity to Fanny Penfold. You have worked hard in the Bank and your wife’s happiness and comfort have been ever a secondary consideration when business intervened. I therefore say, dear CR, you have not done less for your own family than for mine…I did not know, when I entered your family, mine would ever ask you for a farthing. Be just then, be generous in the fullest sense of the word. And either be for or against me and the same by Mrs Walker [Fanny]…However deeply she may have felt your conduct, on the present occasion hers has been to you most exemplary.”37

Mary Anne’s plea fell on deaf ears, as Christopher responded immediately to his wife:

“I told you before – I tell you now and I will tell you to the last, that you should have told her to cancel the Bond if you had had proper feelings towards me after she had got so splendid a fortune and after the heavy expences I had incurred on her previous marriage and the trouble I have since had with her late husband’s affairs. It was galling to me to think that 350 pounds of my property should go to the…co-heiresses [Walker sisters] of her late husband, when you had often assured me that it was her wish and full intention the money should revert to my family after her death. The enthusiasm, I may say idolatry of your feelings for her defraud my affections of their due return.”38

A year later, the Rawsons still hadn’t settled their differences, and Fanny was no longer welcome at Hope House.  Rawson wrote on 21 September 1833: “It is against my nature to be at enmity with any woman at any time, more especially with the wife of my bosom but patient endurance must have its limit and I should suffer in my own opinion did I allow myself to be trampled upon so often with impunity. The enthusiasm of my wife for her niece has been the ground work of all my unhappiness with the former when my comforts and my property have so often been sacrificed on her account. Under a review of all the circumstances I have stated can any impartial or unprejudiced person be surprised at my debarring Mrs Clarke from coming to Hope House or at my not calling upon her when she was at Halifax last week?”39

It’s unclear whether Christopher Rawson reconciled with Fanny, or if he and Mary Anne ever resolved their conflict over the Penfolds. Within five years of writing the above journal entry, both his wife and his niece had died.


By 1838, the Clarkes were living in Penzance on England’s Cornish Coast. It’s possible that the family had left Dublin and moved to Cornwall for health reasons. Once known as “the sanitarium of the south coast”40, Penzance was one of the seaside towns frequented by Britons suffering from consumption, the leading cause of death in pre-1870s England.41 Sadly, the move didn’t protect the Clarkes from tragedy. Their 4 year old daughter Mary Ann died in Penzance on 27 February 1838 of “convulsions”.  Just six months later, on 7 August 1838, Fanny died of consumption at age 34.  Fanny and her daughter are buried together in Penzance in St. Mary’s Churchyard.

Gravestone of Fanny and her daughter, Mary, at St Mary’s Church, Penzance  (Image used by kind permission of LMP at

Fanny’s Survivors

Widower Courtney Kenny Clarke

Courtney Kenny Clarke returned to Halifax at some point after Fanny’s death. The 1841 England Census lists him as one of several boarders at a Halifax inn.42 In 1844 he married Fanny’s friend and Walker cousin Delia Priestley Edwards. During their marriage, the Clarkes lived at Haugh End in Halifax, West Teignmouth in Devon, and in Dublin, Ireland—the latter from the mid-1860’s until at least 1873. They had three children, the youngest of whom was Frances Esther Anne, perhaps named after Fanny. Courtney Kenny Clarke died in Dublin in December 1873 at the age of 70. His wife Delia, along with his and Fanny’s daughter Charlotte, were co-executors of his will.

Daughter Charlotte Maria Clarke Walsh

Charlotte was two years old when her mother died in 1838. Her early years were spent living with her father and his relatives. When Charlotte was five she was living in Halifax with her aunt Elizabeth (nee Clarke) Rawson and uncle Edward Rawson (Christopher’s nephew). As a teenager she attended boarding school in Putney (Surrey) and in her mid-twenties was living with her father, his wife Delia, and their children in West Teignmouth, Devon.43 In February 1874 Charlotte married Albert Jasper Walsh, M.D. who was 20 years her senior. Dr. Walsh was a former President of the College of Royal Surgeons in Ireland. He died in Dublin in 1880, leaving behind Charlotte and two young children: Frances Sarah Mary and John Albert Courtney. After her husband’s death, Charlotte returned to England with her children. They were living in Bedfordshire in the early 1890’s.44 By 1901, her children grown, Charlotte lived alone in the West Sussex town of Cuckfield—not far from Steyning, Fanny’s birthplace. She spent the last years of her life in Dublin, living with her daughter Frances. Charlotte died in Dublin in 1912, at the age of 77. Her daughter Frances never married and died in 1947 in Dublin.  We haven’t found any mention of Charlotte’s son (John Albert Courtney Walsh) after the 1891 England Census.42

Brother Christopher Rawson Penfold: Founder of Penfolds Wine Company

In 1844, Fanny’s youngest brother Dr. Christopher Rawson Penfold (1811-1870) emigrated to South Australia with his wife Mary and young daughter. Dr. Rawson brought with him vine cuttings from France that he planted at his family’s new home at Magill, in the foothills of the Mt Lofty Ranges near Adelaide. By 1871 the Penfolds’ vineyard was producing more than 10% of South Australia’s wines.45 The company they founded, Penfolds, remains one of Australia’s largest wineries to this day—with “Rawsons Retreat” being one of Penfolds’ popular labels.


Frances Penfold Walker Clarke cut a lonely figure in many ways: leaving home at an early age, enduring the deaths of her first husband and two children, waging a long battle against a prominent wealthy family, being rejected by her guardian, moving far from home to Ireland—these events would challenge anyone’s fortitude, particularly that of a frequently solitary woman in the mid-19th century.  Although she died relatively young, Fanny nonetheless had a major impact on the Walker family history. It’s interesting to speculate how the lives of Ann Walker and her sister Elizabeth—including the former’s relationship with Anne Lister—might have been different had Fanny and John’s son lived to inherit the Walker fortune.

Research related to this blog is ongoing; we’ll update it as more facts are discovered.


  1. Clergy of the Church of England Database (CCEd):
  2. Christopher Rawson (C. Rawson) Diary: West Yorkshire Archive Service, Calderdale 1525/2/5/2
  3. Ibid
  4. Leeds Intelligencer, 13 October 1825, from British Newspaper Archives, a paid service.
  5. Caroline Wyville Walker (CW Walker) Diary: Halifax Antiquarian Society, 1908 Walterclough in Southowram
  6. C. Rawson Diary: West Yorkshire Archive Service, Calderdale 1525/2/5/2
  7. West Yorkshire Archive Service, Calderdale SH:7/ML/E/11/0056
    Anne Lister Transcription by Frankie Raia
  8. C. Rawson Diary: West Yorkshire Archive Service, Calderdale 1525/2/5/2
  9. CW Walker Diary: Halifax Antiquarian Society, 1908 Walterclough in Southowram
  10. West Yorkshire Archive Service, Calderdale SH:7/ML/E/12/0058
    Anne Lister Transcription by Jane Kendall:
  11. John Walker Jr and Frances Esther Penfold’s Honeymoon Storymap
  12. Ibid
  13. CW Walker Diary: Halifax Antiquarian Society, 1908 Walterclough in Southowram
  14. West Yorkshire Archive Service, Calderdale 1525/7/1/5/1/36 Ann Walker Diary Transcription by Leila Straub, Ivana Nika, Dorjana Sirola, Diane Halford, Alexa Tansley
  15. Francesca Raia, Lucia Falzari, 2020. “The death of John Walker Jr.”, Anne Lister Italia (accessed: Feb 2, 2022)
  16. Ibid
  17. Letter from Fanny Walker to Elizabeth Sutherland (27 March 1830) West Yorkshire Archive Service, Calderdale CN:100/2
  18. C. Rawson Diary: West Yorkshire Archive Service, Calderdale 1525/2/5/2
  19. Letter from James Vowling Penfold to Elizabeth Sutherland (23 December 1830) West Yorkshire Archive Service, Calderdale CN:100/2
  20. C. Rawson Diary: West Yorkshire Archive Service, Calderdale 1525/2/5/2
  21. West Yorkshire Archive Service, Calderdale SH:7/ML/E/13/0106
    Anne Lister Transcription by Jane Kendall
  22. Letter from George Mackay Sutherland to Dear Sirs (est 24 November 1830) West Yorkshire Archive Service, Calderdale CN:100/2
  23. Letter from LeBlanc Oliver Hook to George Mackay Sutherland (26 November 1830) West Yorkshire Archive Service, Calderdale CN:100/2
  24. Stamp Office Register re: Estate Residues (August 1832) West Yorkshire Archive Service, Calderdale CN:99/7
  25. Letter from George Mackay Sutherland to Dear Sirs (est 24 November 1830) West Yorkshire Archive Service, Calderdale CN:100/2
  26. Letter from LeBlanc Oliver Hook to George Mackay Sutherland (26 November 1830) West Yorkshire Archive Service, Calderdale CN:100/2
  27. Letter from James Vowling Penfold to Elizabeth Sutherland (23 December 1830)West Yorkshire Archive Service, Calderdale CN:100/2
  28. Letter from Ann Walker to Elizabeth Sutherland (13 September 1834) West Yorkshire Archive Service, Calderdale CN:103/4/28
  29. C. Rawson Diary: West Yorkshire Archive Service, Calderdale 1525/2/5/2
  30. Stamp Office Register re: Estate Residues (August 1832) West Yorkshire Archive Service, Calderdale CN:99/7
  31. West Yorkshire Archive Service, Calderdale SH:7/ML/E/17/0116
    Anne Lister Transcription by Frankie Raia
  32. West Yorkshire Archive Service, Calderdale SH:7/ML/E/17/0132
    Anne Lister Transcription by Frankie Raia
  33. West Yorkshire Archive Service, Calderdale 1525/7/1/5/1/35
    Ann Walker Diary Transcription by Leila Straub, Ivana Nika, Dorjana Sirola, Diane Halford, Alexa Tansley
  34. West Yorkshire Archive Service, Calderdale 1525/7/1/5/1/38
    Ann Walker Diary Transcription by Leila Straub, Ivana Nika, Dorjana Sirola, Diane Halford, Alexa Tansley
  35. West Yorkshire Archive Service, Calderdale SH:7/ML/E/17/0154
    Anne Lister Transcription by Jane Kendall
  36. C. Rawson Diary: West Yorkshire Archive Service, Calderdale 1525/2/5/2
  37. Ibid
  38. Ibid
  39. Ibid
  40. The Picturesque World: Or, Scenes from Many Lands, Vol 2, edited by Leo De Colange, Boston: Estes and Lauriat, 1878, p. 466.
  41. Richard E. Morris (2018): The Victorian ‘Change of Air’ As Medical and Social Construction, Journal of Tourism History, p 3. DOI: 10.1080/1755182X.2018.1425485
  42. 1841 England Census (Public Record Office Ref # HO 107/1300/11), accessed on, a paid service.
  43. 1851 and 1861 England Census (Public Record Office Ref #’s HO 107/1579 and # RG 9 1400), accessed on, a paid service.
  44. 1891 England Census (Public Record Office Ref # RG 12/1252), accessed on, a paid service.
  45. D.I. McDonald, ‘Penfold, Christopher Rawson (1811-1870)’, Australian Dictionary of Biography, National Centre of Biography, Australian National University,, published first in hardcopy 1974, accessed online 10 February 2022.

Other Sources

The British Newspaper Archive, a paid service

Bank of England Inflation Calculator

Special Thanks: Diane Halford, Deb Woolson, and Martin Walker

In Search of Ann Walker’s research into Ann’s life is ongoing, therefore new discoveries may change the way we chronicle her life in the future.

How to cite this article:
Caroline Maillard (2022) “Frances Penfold Walker Clarke (1803-1838) A Consequential Life” In Search of Ann Walker [Accessed “add date”]

Caroline Maillard

Like so many others, Caroline was introduced to Ann and Anne’s story via Gentleman Jack. Having studied contemporary US government in college, she has conducted relatively little historical research (and not since card-catalogs were a thing!) but has already learned so much from the knowledgeable, thoughtful researchers of ISAW—all so committed to shedding light on Ann Walker’s life. It’s a privilege to help amplify Ann’s voice all these years after her death. Caroline and her wife live in Seattle, Washington, where the weather often mirrors that of Halifax.